In politics, some debates do more than expose disagreement. They expose character, method, and the hidden architecture of power. The exchange that began with Abdi Sheikh’s article, , followed by Mohamed Olad’s defense of President Mustafe Omer and then sharpened by Shukri Mohammed’s response, ”, has now become one of those revealing moments. What started as a critique of one leader’s political contradictions has turned into a broader test of the Somali Regional State’s public culture: can power answer questions directly, or must every question be buried under loyalist outrage, motive-hunting, and carefully packaged deflection?
Abdi Sheikh’s original article was forceful, personal, and deeply critical. Its central claim was not simply that President Mustafe has made mistakes, but that his political life reflects a recurring pattern of shapeshifting: saying one thing to one audience, another thing to another audience, and treating history, identity, and grievance as tools of convenience rather than matters of principle. Abdi placed before the public a series of serious allegations about Mustafe’s past conduct, public statements, policy reversals, symbolic choices, and shifting narratives. Some of these claims were harsh. Some were highly personal. But they were also specific. They could be confirmed, denied, explained, or contextualized.
That specificity is important. In public debate, the seriousness of an allegation does not depend on whether the accused likes the person making it. It depends on whether the claim can be answered. Abdi’s piece may be uncomfortable, but discomfort is not a rebuttal. A leader facing such allegations has two dignified options: respond with evidence or remain silent with restraint. What weakens a defense is when it chooses a third path: attacking the critic while leaving the criticism standing.
This is where Mohamed Olad’s article entered the debate. Instead of patiently addressing Abdi’s allegations one by one, Olad framed the criticism as part of a wider propaganda campaign against President Mustafe. He accused the president’s detractors of multilingual duplicity, arguing that they present Mustafe differently to different audiences, as a Somali nationalist to Amharic speakers and as a betrayer of Somalis to Somali audiences. His article was energetic, combative, and clearly designed to protect the president from reputational damage.
But energy is not evidence, and combativeness is not clarity.
The problem with Olad’s defense is not that he defended Mustafe. He has every right to do so. The problem is that his defense largely avoided the hardest questions raised by Abdi. It focused on the supposed contradictions of the critics rather than the contradictions attributed to the president. It spent more time describing the alleged bad faith of Mustafe’s opponents than explaining the president’s own record. This is precisely why Shukri Mohammed’s article became necessary. She stepped into the debate not simply to support Abdi, but to ask why a defense written with such confidence had left so many direct questions unanswered.
Shukri’s argument cuts to the bone because it exposes the difference between defending a leader and protecting a system from accountability. A proper defense would have said: this allegation is false, here is the evidence; this statement was misquoted, here is the context; this policy position evolved, here is the reason; this symbolic act was misunderstood, here is the explanation. Instead, the public received a familiar political script: the critic is suspicious, the platform is suspicious, the timing is suspicious, the audience is suspicious. Everything is examined except the substance.
That is not a defense. That is a diversion.
What makes this debate even more sensitive is the growing perception that Mustafe’s administration does not merely respond to criticism, but mobilizes defenders around it. Even a Facebook post, a short commentary, or an uncomfortable article seems capable of triggering an organized chorus of counter-attacks. Critics are rarely engaged as citizens raising questions. They are branded as remnants of the old order, agents of hostile networks, clan opportunists, anti-reform elements, or enemies of stability. This method may intimidate some voices, but it does not convince serious readers. If anything, it confirms the fear that power has become too anxious to tolerate scrutiny.
Mohamed Olad’s role in this episode therefore deserves discussion, not as a personal attack, but as a political symptom. Many readers do not see his article as a detached intellectual response. They see it as part of a wider protective circle around President Mustafe, a circle that moves quickly whenever the president is criticized. Some even believe that such defenses are not entirely independent, but reflect arguments shaped within the president’s own political orbit and passed through friendly voices. Whether that belief is accurate or not, the perception itself is politically damaging. When defenders sound too close to power, the public begins to wonder whether it is reading independent opinion or outsourced presidential messaging.
This is the nerve of the matter: a reformist leader should not need an army of interpreters to explain his principles. If Mustafe’s record is strong, facts should defend it. If the allegations are false, evidence should defeat them. If the criticism is unfair, calm clarification should expose it. But when every critique is met with a wave of loyalist framing, the administration begins to look less like a confident government and more like a system afraid of its own reflection.
Mustafe’s own history makes this even more ironic. He was once known as a sharp critic of previous regimes, a man whose pen challenged power and helped shape his reformist image. That history should not be overused, but it cannot be ignored. A man who rose through criticism must be prepared to live under criticism. The pen cannot be noble when it attacks yesterday’s rulers and dangerous when it questions today’s president. Accountability cannot be sacred in opposition and subversive in office.
This is where the three articles, read in sequence, reveal something important. Abdi’s article presented the charge: Mustafe is a leader of shifting positions and unstable convictions. Olad’s article attempted the defense: Mustafe is under attack by dishonest, contradictory enemies. Shukri’s article then exposed the weakness of that defense: it answered the politics around the allegations, but not the allegations themselves. In that sequence, Shukri does not merely support Abdi. She demonstrates that Olad’s response, by avoiding the core questions, may have unintentionally strengthened Abdi’s case.
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There is a lesson here for all public leaders, not only Mustafe. The more a government relies on defenders to attack critics, the more fragile it appears. The more it frames scrutiny as conspiracy, the more it weakens its own reformist claim. The more it personalizes public questions, the more it confirms that institutions remain secondary to personalities. This is not the political culture the Somali Region needs after years of fear, silence, and coercive loyalty.
The region does not need another system where praise is rewarded and criticism is punished socially, politically, or morally. It does not need a new vocabulary for old habits. It needs a public sphere where citizens can question leaders without being reduced to clan instruments, foreign agents, or enemies of progress. It needs officials and their defenders to understand that criticism is not automatically hostility. Sometimes criticism is the only remaining evidence that society has not surrendered its conscience.
Shukri’s article is powerful because it insists on this standard. She reminds readers that leadership is not proven by the number of people willing to defend it, but by the quality of the answers it gives when challenged. A president surrounded by loyal voices may appear protected, but he may also be shielded from truth. That is how systems decay: not always through open tyranny, but through a culture where every uncomfortable question is treated as betrayal and every defender is rewarded for making the leader feel misunderstood.
The most useful response to this debate would not be another angry article against Abdi or Shukri. It would be a sober, factual, point-by-point answer to the claims that have been placed before the public. Let the record speak. Let evidence separate truth from exaggeration. Let context correct misrepresentation. Let humility acknowledge complexity where it exists. That is how mature leadership behaves.
In the end, this debate is no longer only about Abdi Sheikh’s accusations, Mohamed Olad’s defense, or Shukri Mohammed’s intervention. It is about whether the Somali Regional State can build a political culture where power is answerable, not merely defended; where public criticism is engaged, not pathologized; and where leaders understand that the most dangerous pen is not the one that criticizes them, but the one that exposes their fear of being questioned.
*Mr. Abdulfatah Hussein is a senior civil servant based in Jijiga, Ethiopia with over two decades of experience, serving at both regional and federal government levels.
*The opinions expressed in this article are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect the views of Dawan Africa.