Kenya, January 05 2026 - Miraa, known botanically as Catha edulis and widely consumed across East Africa and the Horn, occupies a unique place in Kenya’s economic, cultural and legal landscape.
Even though it is cultivated, sold and exported freely, including to major markets such as Somalia, it remains listed under the Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances Act, an aspect that mystifies farmers, traders and consumers alike.
This tension reflects deeper contradictions between customary use, economic opportunity, public health priorities and international regulation.
Legal Crop, Controlled Substance
In Kenya, Miraa has never been outright banned, unlike cannabis, and cultivating, selling or consuming it is not prohibited under general law.
The stimulant crop is recognised in the Crops Act and specific Miraa regulations, which guide its production, marketing and export. Yet the active compounds it contains, cathinone and cathine, are listed as psychotropic substances under the Narcotic Drugs Act. Karen authorities, represented by NACADA, maintain it in the controlled substances list due to these psychoactive components, even as the crop itself thrives commercially.
This situation has created a legal grey area that frustrates growers and exporters alike. The Nyambene Miraa Farmers and Traders Association has repeatedly called for removal of miraa from the drugs schedule, arguing that its classification as a narcotic hampers full development of the industry, restricts access to markets and imposes unnecessary stigma on a culturally embedded product.
Economic Lifeline for Many, Especially for Major Consumer Markets
For millions of Kenyan farmers, predominantly in Meru, Embu, Tharaka-Nithi and parts of central Kenya, miraa is not just a crop but a source of livelihood.
The Agriculture and Food Authority notes that hundreds of thousands of households depend on miraa production, with tens of thousands of traders and transporters involved in a supply chain that extends to domestic and international markets.
On a normal day along Kenyan highways, motorists are often met by speeding double-cab pickup trucks, heavily modified to absorb bumps and rough terrain, weaving through traffic with little regard for road safety rules as they race toward the airport.
Locals along these routes know the drill all too well. They say that when such vehicles are involved in accidents, another pickup is usually on standby, ready to offload the cargo and continue the journey without delay. In cases where the damage is minor, a familiar phrase is quietly exchanged at the roadside, “tutakutana baadaye tukubaliane damages” loosely translated as “we’ll meet later and agree on the damages.” The priority is never the vehicle; it is the delivery.
These high-speed convoys are not ferrying ordinary goods. They are transporting fresh miraa and muguka, crops whose value begins to decline the moment they are harvested. Time, not distance, determines profit.
Within hours of cutting, the stimulant must be at Nairobi’s Jomo Kenyatta International Airport, destined primarily for Somalia, where demand remains highest and prices most lucrative.
Every delay risks financial loss, pushing traders and drivers into a race against both the clock and the law, a reality that has turned sections of Kenyan highways into unofficial supply corridors governed by urgency rather than regulation.
Despite miraa being legal under Kenyan law, its movement tells a different story — one shaped by informal logistics, regulatory grey zones, and cross-border demand.
The frantic dash to the airport reflects a trade that operates at the intersection of legality and risk, sustained by regional consumption patterns and cultural acceptance beyond Kenya’s borders.
For communities along these highways, the sight of these speeding vehicles has become routine, yet it quietly reveals the scale, pressure and contradictions of a trade that remains officially recognised at home, controversial abroad, and indispensable to thousands of livelihoods.
The Kenyan sector is estimated to generate billions of shillings annually, and Somalia remains its largest export destination, followed by markets in the Middle East and parts of Africa.
The importance of the Somali market cannot be overstated. Miraa, locally called Qaat in Somalia, is consumed daily by many social groups as part of cultural and social practice, especially in gatherings, business meetings and religious celebrations.
In 2021, Somalia lifted a ban on miraa imports from Kenya, opening channels for renewed trade and boosting demand after diplomatic tensions eased. Somali traders import miraa by licensed consignment, making the crop a key economic linkage between the two countries.
Public Health Concerns and Stigma
Opponents of de-listing miraa from drug laws argue that the World Health Organization and United Nations conventions classify the chemical compounds in khat as psychoactive and potentially harmful.
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Studies have found that cathinone and cathine, the stimulants responsible for the plant’s euphoric effects, share properties with amphetamine-like substances, raising concerns about dependence, insomnia, cardiovascular strains and longer-term health effects.
In Kenya’s own public health discourse, agencies such as the Kenya Medical Association have called for stronger regulation, education and controls on miraa and its more potent variant muguka, noting that consumption patterns often intersect with other health risk behaviours.
Critics also point to social impacts, including youth over-use and economic diversion away from work or education.
Political and Regulatory Forces at Play
The persistence of Miraa on the controlled substances list reflects not just health concerns but also Kenya’s international obligations. The country is a signatory to UN narcotics conventions, which commit it to regulate substances classified under psychotropic listings.
This complicates domestic attempts to remove cathinone and cathine from controlled categories without coordinated action at the UN level, which would require negotiation with global partners.
Domestically, even as the government introduced Miraa Levy Regulations and policies to promote the crop, enforcement and interpretation remain uneven across agencies. NACADA, tasked with combating abuse of drugs and substances, still lists the crop as harmful, while agricultural and trade ministries push for growth, market access and increased incomes for farmers.
This tug-of-war illustrates Kenya’s broader struggle to balance economic development with public health responsibilities.
Tradition, Trade and Health Narratives
For Somali consumers, Miraa’s role is deeply cultural and social. Unlike other drugs that carry heavy legal penalties, qat is widely accepted in everyday life across communities in Somalia and the wider Horn.
Chewing sessions, often held in social groups, are part of bonding rituals and traditional hospitality, meaning that regulatory debates in Kenya have direct resonance in Somali households and markets.
However, recent research and public health commentary in regional outlets have drawn attention to long chewing sessions and concomitant use with other substances, which may exacerbate social issues.
Nevertheless, for many Somali families, Miraa remains a legal, socially embedded stimulant, and changes in Kenya’s legal classification could have direct impact on availability, pricing and cultural practices across borders.
Beyond Somalia, Kenya’s miraa and its more potent variant muguka are exported to a range of regional and diaspora-linked markets, underscoring the crop’s broader international footprint. Djibouti remains a key destination, with Kenyan miraa forming a staple of daily consumption among both locals and transit populations linked to the Horn of Africa.
Ethiopia, particularly in eastern regions bordering Kenya and Somalia, absorbs Kenyan supply through informal and licensed channels, complementing its domestic khat production.
In the Middle East, Kenyan miraa reaches niche markets in Yemen, where khat chewing is deeply entrenched culturally, as well as parts of the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia, largely serving East African and Yemeni diaspora communities under tightly regulated import conditions.
Smaller but notable consignments also reach the United Kingdom and the Netherlands, where consumption persists within diaspora circles despite outright bans, often resulting in seizures and legal disputes that highlight the crop’s complex global status.
These varied export routes illustrate how Kenyan miraa exists in a fragmented legal geography, welcomed as a cultural commodity in some regions, tolerated in others, and criminalised elsewhere, reinforcing why its continued listing under drug laws remains a sensitive and unresolved issue.
Reform, Opportunity and Tension
The debate about Miraa’s legal status is far from settled. Farmers continue to lobby Parliament to revise the Narcotic Act to reflect contemporary trade realities.
At the same time, health advocates urge caution and aligned action with international partners, reminding policymakers of evidence on psychoactive effects and dependence risks. Both economic and cultural forces, from tiny farms in Meru to Mogadishu’s bustling markets, ensure that Miraa will remain at the center of regulatory, social and political discussions for years to come.

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