“A united Somalia, with its human resources and material capabilities, can protect its territory and interests more effectively and from a position of greater strength than a fragmented and divided Somalia.”
—- Dr. Abdulkadir Moallim Mohamed Gedi
Somali unity is a political, security, economic and social imperative that serves the interests of the Somali people, the peoples of the Horn of Africa, and Arab, Islamic and African communities more broadly.
The Somali people, who inhabit the Horn of Africa, are remarkably homogeneous. They share a common religion, language, origin, history and culture. They are also bound by shared living conditions and common political, economic, commercial, security and social interests, as well as a common history of struggle against colonialism and a shared set of aspirations.
All the Somali territories divided by colonial powers struggled to achieve the unity of Greater Somalia. This was unlike the experience of other African peoples, who accepted the colonial divisions: each African colony gained independence separately, with no colony demanding or seeking to incorporate other colonial territories into a single state.
Somalia, however, was a different case. The colonial powers that divided the Somali people into five territories did not encounter quiet acceptance. All five territories sought the reunification of Somali lands under a single flag. That aspiration ultimately succeeded in bringing together two important parts of the five territories: British Somaliland and Italian Somaliland.
When Somalis sought to unite those five territories, they were seeking to restore their original unity. They also believed that no single territory could remain viable on its own and that the colonial enemy would eventually swallow it up, even if it achieved independence separately. Driven by this conviction and a deep understanding of their circumstances, two of the five territories gained independence and formed the Somali Republic on July 1, 1960.
Our brothers in northern Somalia, “Somaliland,” were particularly committed to unity between the north and south during the Somali struggle for independence. Their awareness of the dangers of colonialism and the external threats facing their region was stronger, clearer and more immediate.
British colonial authorities handed the “Haud and Reserved Area” to Abyssinia in the early 1950s. These territories had been carved out of Somaliland and constituted the strategic pastoral borderland between Hargeisa and Jigjiga.
Another example was the Ethiopian invasion following Somalia’s independence — or, more specifically, the Ethiopian-Somali wars of 1964 and 1977. Those conflicts were concentrated in northern Somalia more than elsewhere. For this reason, from independence onward, the Somali state and its valiant army made strenuous efforts to defend those areas and Somalia as a whole.
The region was targeted because of its strategic importance and its proximity to the vital waterways of the Red Sea, the Bab el-Mandeb Strait and international shipping routes.
The risks of Somaliland being targeted and absorbed remain present to this day. The memorandum of understanding signed by Ethiopia with the separatist administration of the “Somaliland” region in January 2024, aimed at carving out a valuable part of northern Somalia for Ethiopian military bases and commercial ports, remains fresh in memory. The efforts of the Federal Government of Somalia succeeded in nullifying the effect of that memorandum.
Preserving Somalia’s territorial unity, sovereignty and independence is therefore a religious and human necessity, a national, moral and patriotic duty, as well as a social, economic, political and security imperative.
The Somali people cannot live under the weight of division and secession. The benefits of unity are greater for both north and south than those offered by pursuing an uncertain path of secession under the auspices of the Zionist Israeli entity.
A united Somalia, with its human resources and material capabilities, can protect its territory and interests more effectively and from a position of greater strength than a fragmented and divided Somalia.
The Risks of Secession for Somaliland and the Horn of Africa#
Security and Political Implications for Somaliland#
The secession of Somaliland and its recognition by Israel would have grave consequences and potentially devastating security and political repercussions for Somaliland itself and the wider Horn of Africa. Israel seeks only to use Somaliland as a Trojan horse and a dangerous instrument through which to harm the wider region by transferring the conflicts of the Middle East to the Horn of Africa.
Israel seeks to establish military bases in Somaliland to launch incursions against the peoples and countries of the Horn of Africa. Such conflicts would directly and adversely affect maritime security in the Red Sea and the Horn of Africa, while also threatening the security of the region’s countries and peoples as a whole.
Somaliland itself would be the first to pay the price. It does not possess the capabilities needed to withstand the conflicts and proxy wars in which Israel and global Zionism seek to use Somaliland.
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Such wars would draw Israel’s enemies into the Red Sea and the Horn of Africa, including Iran and its strategic allies in the Middle East. Just as these conflicts have affected the Strait of Hormuz, they could soon affect the Bab el-Mandeb Strait unless the situation is addressed.
Economic and Strategic Implications#
Israeli recognition would also have negative economic consequences for Somaliland itself. Following its new relationship with the Zionist entity, Somaliland would move away from its previous economic, security and strategic alliances with Arab, Islamic and even African peoples and countries, aligning itself instead with an entity that is foreign to Somaliland and the wider Horn of Africa in pursuit of economic and political interests that may prove to be little more than a mirage.
Economically, Somaliland has historically been connected to its Arab neighbours and to its fellow Somalis. The main exports passing through the Port of Berbera, including livestock and other goods, have traditionally been destined for Arab countries such as Saudi Arabia, Oman, Yemen and others.
Somalia, including Somaliland, has also imported other essential goods from those countries through the Port of Berbera, Somaliland’s principal port.
Following Somaliland’s turn towards the Israeli entity, these commercial relationships would automatically come to an end, with severe and potentially devastating consequences for Somaliland’s economy.
Internal Social Implications#
Israel’s recognition of Somaliland would create hostility and divisions among its people. Since Somaliland’s population is entirely Muslim, the majority would not accept an Israeli presence in the region. Somaliland society would therefore become divided between supporters of the isolated separatist administration and opponents of the Zionist entity’s projects in the region.
Indeed, the separatist administration’s direction has already faced strong opposition from Somaliland’s main opposition parties, including the Kaah Party, led by Mahmoud Hashi Abdi, and the Kulmiye Party, led by former Somaliland President Muse Bihi Abdi.
These parties, together with other segments of Somaliland society, including religious scholars, have strongly opposed relations with the Israeli entity.
Such internal divisions within Somaliland portend serious consequences and risk creating further conflict and fragmentation within the territory.
Israeli Recognition Would Make Wider Recognition of Somaliland More Distant#
Recognition by the Israeli entity would not bring Somaliland political or economic prosperity. Instead, Israeli recognition would push Somaliland towards international isolation, as Arab and Islamic countries and peoples would not recognise the separatist entity after it had tied its fate to Israel.
Free people around the world who support and believe in the Palestinian cause and the status of Al-Quds would not recognise Somaliland after it departed from international legitimacy and the United Nations Charter on the issues of Palestine and Jerusalem by opening an embassy in the city of Jerusalem. The rest of the world’s countries would remain neutral.
As a result, wider international recognition of Somaliland would remain out of reach.
Today, the Federal Government of Somalia has significant diplomatic opportunities to make use of all the circumstances discussed in this article in order to protect the national unity of the Somali Republic.
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Dr. Abdulkadir Moallim Mohamed Gedi is a writer and university professor specialising in Horn of Africa affairs.
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The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of Dawan Africa.