“Somalia’s unity is not merely a constitutional entitlement or a political demand, but a necessity dictated by geography, security, economic interests and the stability of the entire region.”-- Mohamed Al-Amin Sheikh Osman
Not all countries carry the same weight in the calculus of geography. Some nations can retreat behind their borders without attracting much attention from the outside world. Others are destined by their location to stand at the heart of events, their geography becoming a political reality from which they cannot escape.
Somalia is one of those countries to which geography has denied the luxury of isolation. Instead, it has placed it at the crossroads of civilizations, trade and empires, where the Indian Ocean meets the Red Sea, the African coastline faces the Arab shore, and the interests of East and West intersect across a territory that may appear small on maps but looms large in the calculations of history and politics.
For this reason, reducing the question of Somali unity to a domestic matter or a political dispute among the people of one nation amounts to an incomplete reading of the country’s reality. Somalia is not merely a state seeking to protect its borders; it is a pillar of security in the Horn of Africa, a key component of Red Sea security and a natural extension of the Arab world’s strategic depth.
What happens in Somalia therefore extends far beyond its political borders, affecting the security of the wider region and even the global economy, a significant share of whose trade passes through the waters off Somalia’s coast.
Countries, of course, do not choose their locations, but they do choose how to deal with them. The geography that has given Somalia this exceptional position has also exposed it to competition among major powers, from the partition of its territories by colonial powers at the end of the nineteenth century to the present day, as the region remains an arena of intense regional and international rivalry — regrettably, one of history’s enduring paradoxes.
In this context, I believe that preserving Somalia’s unity is not simply about defending national territory, as states naturally do; it is also about safeguarding the geopolitical balance in one of the world’s most sensitive regions.
The Legacy of Partition and the Importance of Preserving Unity#
The colonial partition of Somalia left behind a heavy legacy of fragmented territory and frustrated a long-held Somali aspiration: to bring the Somali people together within a single state united by land, identity and destiny.
That partition also weakened national identity, complicated border disputes and fuelled a number of internal conflicts. Its consequences remained among the factors that weakened state institutions and helped create the conditions that ultimately led to the collapse of the state in 1991.
From this perspective, Somalia, having historically endured the bitterness and consequences of fragmentation, needs today more than ever to preserve its national and territorial unity and avoid any path that could reproduce the divisions that have burdened it for decades.
Further fragmentation will not heal the wounds of the past; it risks opening new ones. Somalia’s unity and stability therefore remain fundamental pillars of its security and future, as well as of stability across its wider regional environment.
Somalia and Efforts to Undermine Its Sovereignty#
Attempts to undermine Somalia’s sovereignty over the past decade have not merely been passing disagreements with some neighbouring countries. Rather, they have represented a direct challenge to the unity of the state and its right to exercise sovereignty over all its territory and territorial waters.
This was evident in the signing of maritime memoranda of understanding with entities within Somalia without the approval of the Federal Government, actions that Mogadishu regarded as a clear infringement on the country’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.
Faced with these challenges, Somalia did not respond through escalation. Instead, it confronted them with political resolve, diplomatic firmness and reliance on international law, stressing that national sovereignty is never open to compromise.
When Somalia Is Stable, the Horn of Africa Is Stable#
Anyone examining the map of the Horn of Africa quickly realizes that Somalia is not a country on the region’s periphery. It is its maritime heart, its eastern gateway and the link connecting Africa to the Indian Ocean and the Arab world.
Any disruption affecting the Somali state therefore does not remain confined within its borders. Its repercussions spread in successive waves to Ethiopia, Kenya, Djibouti and Eritrea, affecting border security, trade flows and the stability of communities.
The past three decades have taught us that the collapse of the Somali state was not merely a national crisis, but a regional crisis in every sense. From the security vacuum emerged extremist groups; human- and arms-smuggling networks expanded; irregular migration increased; and borders became open corridors for every form of organized crime.
Neighbouring countries were not immune to these consequences. They paid a heavy price to protect their national security and were forced to devote enormous resources to confronting threats that might have been avoided had there been a stable and capable Somali state.
For this reason, Somalia’s unity should not be understood solely as a national demand, but as a shared strategic interest of all the countries of the Horn of Africa.
The Red Sea: Its Security Begins in Somalia#
It is no exaggeration to say that Red Sea security begins in Somalia. A country with Africa’s longest coastline, overlooking the Gulf of Aden and the southern approaches to Bab el-Mandeb, cannot be excluded from the maritime security equation.
In recent years, this region has become one of the world’s most sensitive arenas due to intensifying international competition, growing threats to commercial navigation and its direct connection to energy security and global supply chains.
Amid these transformations, Somalia stands out as an indispensable partner in protecting this vital maritime passage. The experience of piracy demonstrated that the absence of a functioning Somali state did not threaten Somalis alone; it dealt a severe blow to the global economy, increased shipping and insurance costs, and forced major powers to deploy their naval fleets to the region. It was a lesson of profound significance.
Somalia and the Arab World’s Strategic Depth#
The Red Sea has long been viewed by Arabs as an Arab strategic space. Yet such a perspective remains incomplete if it overlooks the African shore opposite it. The two shores are not separate; they form a single security system, and any disruption on one side quickly reverberates across the other.
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Somalia’s stability, therefore, is not only an African issue but an Arab one as well. Gulf countries depend directly on the security of the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden to safeguard their oil exports and maritime trade. Food security, investment, ports and logistics corridors are also more closely linked than ever to the stability of this maritime space.
A strong and united Somali state means a strategic partner for the Arab world rather than a security burden. It also opens new horizons for investment in ports, energy, fisheries, agriculture and infrastructure, transforming the Red Sea from a fault line of crises into a bridge for development and integration.
Unity as the Foundation for Protecting Sovereignty#
History teaches us that state sovereignty is not necessarily lost all at once. It can erode gradually as institutions weaken and centres of decision-making multiply. Division does not merely mean geographical fragmentation; it can also weaken the unity of national will and create space for competing interests and projects to intersect in ways that undermine the state’s ability to safeguard its decisions and interests.
This underscores the importance of preserving Somalia’s unity and dealing firmly and responsibly with anything that could undermine it or push the country towards further fragmentation.
Today, after years of challenges, Somalia is restoring its presence and role regionally and internationally. This has been reflected in its membership of the United Nations Security Council, its active role in African peace and security institutions, and its accession to the East African Community.
These are not merely signs of Somalia’s renewed presence among nations. They are the fruit of a long journey of patience and sacrifice and the outcome of the struggle of a people who have remained committed to their right to reclaim their place and build a united state capable of contributing to the security and stability of their region.
The Economy: The Other Face of Unity#
Geography does not only provide states with security; it also offers opportunities for prosperity. Somalia possesses all the ingredients needed to become one of East Africa’s most important economic hubs.
Its location, ports, marine wealth, natural resources and neighbouring markets all place it in an exceptional position. We therefore aspire to harness these opportunities to achieve greater progress and prosperity for Somalia.
State unity means a unified market, unified legislation and unified economic decision-making — essential conditions for attracting global and regional investment, linking the Somali economy with Gulf and African economies, and transforming the country into a bridge between the African and Asian continents. This is not a secondary objective; it is simultaneously a Somali, African and Arab imperative.
A Message to the Region#
Somalia has returned to its regional and international environment with renewed confidence. This return may not be comfortable for some who have become accustomed to viewing its affairs through narrow perspectives or exploiting them within competing regional calculations.
Yet everyone’s interests require recognition of one fundamental truth: a united, stable and strong Somalia will not be a burden on its neighbours, but an active partner in their security, stability and prosperity.
Supporting Somalia’s unity and strengthening its institutions and stability should therefore be regarded as an investment in the future of the entire region.
A Message to the International Community#
The international community is not being asked to defend Somalia out of sympathy, but out of recognition of shared interests. A unified Somali state is less costly to the world than a weak or divided one, and supporting its national institutions is far more effective than perpetually managing its chronic crises.
Investing in Somalia’s unity is an investment in Red Sea security, stability in the Horn of Africa, the safety of international trade and the future of Arab-African cooperation.
Conclusion#
The time has come to view Somalia beyond the stereotypes that for decades have reduced it to wars and crises. This country has never been a burden imposed by geography; rather, it has been a gift bestowed by history upon this region. Yet great gifts often become arenas of competition when there is no capable state to protect them.
Somalia’s unity is not merely a constitutional entitlement or a passing political demand. It is a necessity dictated by geographical realities, imposed by security considerations and reinforced by economic interests. It is in Somalia’s interest, just as it is in the interest of the Horn of Africa, the Arab world, the Gulf states and the international community as a whole.
When the Somali state regains its unity and strength, Somalis will not be the only beneficiaries. The Red Sea will gain greater security, the Horn of Africa greater stability, the Arab world greater strategic depth, and global trade will benefit from the security of one of its most important arteries.
But if projects of fragmentation and division are allowed to impose themselves, Somalia will not be the only loser. The entire regional order will suffer, because nations that occupy the heart of geography do not fall alone; they pull entire maps into cycles of instability with them.
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Mohamed Al-Amin Sheikh Osman is Somalia’s Ambassador to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.
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The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of Bawaba Africa.